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Synopsis

This study applies Routine Activity Theory to understand how social and behavioral factors relate to how often older adults experience mass-marketing fraud. It uses a novel sample of adults aged 60 and older who were identified as known victims by the U.S. Postal Inspection Service and who completed a survey about past-year fraud experiences, five types of scams, and related behaviors and characteristics. The researchers quantified self-reported fraud frequency on a log scale and examined how risky activities, financial risk preferences, loneliness, social engagement, and financial fragility relate to victimization frequency, while controlling for sociodemographic characteristics. The main findings partially align with RAT predictions. Engaging in certain risky routine activities—such as entering sweepstakes drawings and responding to unknown calls—was positively associated with a higher frequency of victimization. Similarly, having a greater willingness to take financial risks and reporting financial fragility were associated with more frequent fraud experiences. Loneliness showed a robust positive association with victimization frequency. By contrast, more frequent online activity was unexpectedly linked to fewer reported incidents, and indicators of capable guardianship, such as living with others or higher social engagement, showed no protective effect in this sample. Seeking financial input from trusted others did not consistently show protective effects across analyses; in some models, it related to higher victimization frequency. Across sociodemographic groups, few characteristics consistently predicted victimization frequency, though race/ethnicity and income showed some patterns. The authors conclude that loneliness, financial fragility, and risky financial preferences contribute to higher fraud exposure among older adults, suggesting targeted consumer education and safeguards for financially vulnerable and lonely individuals. The study notes limitations related to self-reported frequency and sample specificity, underscoring the need for tailored prevention efforts.

Identified Gaps

Fraud-risk research often relies on binary victimization measures, general-population or complaint samples that may miss highly vulnerable people, and self-reports affected by underreporting. The study identifies unresolved questions about fraud-type-specific social risk factors, cognitive impairment, the differing effects of online activity, and how to tailor prevention education for targeted older-adult groups.

Methods

The authors surveyed 823 U.S. adults aged 60 or older whose addresses were identified by the U.S. Postal Inspection Service as having responded to mail scam solicitations. A multimode mailed/web survey measured past-year frequency across five fraud categories and behavioral, financial, social, and demographic factors. Multiple linear regression modeled log-transformed total self-reported victimization frequency, with missing-data flags and mean imputation; complete-case and outlier checks assessed robustness.

Limitations

The sample included only people identified through mail fraud and lacked a nonvictim or other-fraud comparison group, limiting generalizability. Victimization frequency was self-reported and may be reduced by guilt, shame, credulity, or poor recall. Because names were unavailable, the respondent could not be verified as the household member who paid scammers. The researchers lacked details on investigated scams and initial solicitation. The risky-routine-activity scale had low reliability, and non-delivery/nonresponse may have introduced selection bias.

Future Work

Assess cognitive functioning among known fraud victims to determine whether impairment better indicates target suitability than age. Examine how loneliness and other social factors relate to specific fraud types, including threat-based scams. Clarify when online activity protects against fraud or increases risk. Test how to tailor fraud-awareness education for targeted populations, including minority older adults.

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